The people is constituted by strongly collective emotions of discontent, anger, and fear, and by the concerns that these emotions constitute and are based onfor example, a concern for economic welfare, equality, justice, popular sovereignty, or radical democracy. Enriching Ernesto Laclau's and Chantal Mouffe's theory of populism with the insights of contemporary (philosophical) theories of affects has allowed me to identify four characteristic features of the populist appeal to affects. Accordingly, in this regard, populist affects cannot be special. It calls for an analysis of the affects of populism that is critical but also self-critical about its own implicit normative political presumptions. My analysis of the affects of populism in the previous two subsections was focused on individual, empathetic, sympathetic, group-based, and collective emotions of frustration, anger, and fear. Here, I use the concept of affect as an umbrella However, as the people's sorrows, fears, and angers in the first place are manifold, so are the concerns on which they are based. Roughly speaking, thin-centered ideologies are defined based on a small number of features (Freeden Reference Freeden1996). This entanglement of active, conscious, and agential dimensions and passive, unconscious, and structural ones is more adequately captured by the conceptualization of populism as a political logicstyle (Moffitt Reference Moffitt2016: 2850) or mode of political practice (Jansen Reference Jansen and de La Torre2015: 8186). As attitudes of radical investment, they involve a tension between the claimed unity and totality of popular demands on the one hand, and their plurality and partial incongruence on the other. 1. A new populist party riding the anger among Dutch farmers and rural communities at government policies to rein in agricultural pollution appears to be the big winner in provincial elections. Second, it must construct a new political identity, namely that of the people. This appeal to the endangered principle of popular sovereignty is inherent to the political logic of populism itself. The article explores three groups of affective phenomena: discontent, anger, and fear; empathetic, sympathetic, group-based, and shared emotions; and collective passions of enthusiasm and love. Populism is compatible with a variety of political perspectives but emphasizes the alleged homogeneous nature of the real people, with limited acknowledgment of difference and social division. It shows how an appeal to these affects relates to the political logic of populism itself by contributing to the concretization, collectivization, and unification of affects. Webpeople.3 Studies of populism are not concerned with adjudicating whether such moral judgments are accurate, but rather with understanding when this form of politics becomes prevalent, why it is able to garner public support, how it affects existing configurations of political power, and what impact it has on political institutions and policy. Similarly, Michael Walzer tries to reintegrate the passion of enthusiasm into liberal theory (2002). It was a popular philosophy that aimed to make the American people a better society, and it was a political Musk has previously warned about the dangers of the unrestricted development of AI and the detrimental effects it could have on humanity. Then, I take a closer look at three different groups of affective phenomena that are of particular importance to the political logic of populism: individual, group-based, and collective emotions of anger and fear; empathy and sympathy; and the collective passions of enthusiasm and love. In the political logic of populism, the appeal to these three different classes of negative affects fulfills the threefold function of: first, creating a feeling that something is going wrong; second, creating a sense of who is responsible for what is going wrong; and third, creating a sense of urgency. Populist culture has always played a hero in setting the standards upon which people are gauged and measured. However, the fact that it is characteristic of populism that all established parties are an object of negative identification (Melndez and Rovira Kaltwasser Reference Melndez and Kaltwasser2019) does not mean that there are no positive objects of identification at all. Recognizing some affects as political and dismissing others as private or irrational is itself a political act that is inextricably interwoven with the existing hegemonic order and power interests (Robin Reference Robin2006). I don't want you to be hopeful. But the most important effects of the financial crisis may be political and social, not economic. Appealing not just to evils that have already occurred but to subjective and intersubjective perceptions of threat and vulnerability (Reference Salmela and von Scheve2017: 570) too makes perfectly sense in the logic of populism because doing so enables a greater number of people to be mobilized. Total loading time: 0 Taken to its more radical forms, populism However, leaving Moreover, emotions are intentionally directed toward an object. The second is the synchronization of the individual affective responses; there must be some direct or indirect feedback mechanism between the individual members feelings. First, in appealing to collective emotions of the people and ascribing political significance to them, populism appeals to a commitment to the principle of popular sovereignty that it presents as undermined by the hegemonic social and political order. In light of such limitations, there is a need for an analysis of populism that takes seriously its entanglement with affects in all their variety without succumbing to the danger of uncritically adopting long-standing cultural prejudices about affects. In the research world, the meaning of "statistical significance" can be ambiguous. Our concerns can be of differing degrees of importance to us. Thus, in 1892 their leaders organized the Populist, or hasContentIssue true, The Conceptual Domain of Affective Phenomena, This is an Open Access article, distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution licence (, Copyright The Author(s), 2022. WebPopulism is on the rise in many countries. Render date: 2023-03-18T04:36:53.908Z That is, left-wing, right-wing and centrist Concerns can be shared to different degrees. Here, I rely on Ernesto Laclau's (Reference Laclau2007) and Chantal Mouffe's (Reference Mouffe2018) theory of populism. Moreover, it contributes to creating a sense of urgency because there are still (further) dangers to be warded off. They are affective attachments to objects that develop over time and are constitutive of a person's or collective's identity (Frankfurt Reference Frankfurt1999, Reference Frankfurt2004; Helm Reference Helm2012; Rorty Reference Rorty1987; Velleman Reference Velleman1999). Often seen as opposites, the two factors are linked by some elements: both are described by their proponents as remedies to the legitimacy crisis that modern representative democracies are going through; both tend to define certain practices and principles of constitutional democracy that are insufficient to ensure effective governance So, how does populism transform the numerous individual, and not necessarily enduring, concerns of the people into enduring shared passions? Global Perspectives, The Emotions of Protest. Therefore, the political appeal to affects is never problematic per se. As Thomas Szanto and Jan Slaby observe, political emotions (properly speaking) always involve a double affective-intentional focus on a specific matter of political import and on the political community itself (Szanto and Slaby Reference Szanto, Slaby, Szanto and Landweer2020:482). Often seen as opposites, the two factors are linked by some elements: both are described by their proponents as remedies to the legitimacy crisis that modern representative democracies are going through; both tend to define If the maintenance of strong liberal democracy is a goal to be achieved in Europe, politicians must find solutions to stifle the rise of populism. It also challenges the World Banks own approach to Inclusionary forms of populism will ask us to identify with a greater number of people than exclusionary ones. In other words, by appealing to emotions of anger rather than only to frustration, lacks are turned into demands and requests are turned into claims (Laclau Reference Laclau2007: 74, 86). Accounts such as Nussbaum's (Reference Nussbaum2013, Reference Nussbaum2016) mirror an associative model of the political in that they highlight the role of positive (associative) emotions such as love and compassion and are rather critical of negative (dissociative, antagonistic) ones. VR is a simulated environment that is designed to look and feel like the real Webpeople.3 Studies of populism are not concerned with adjudicating whether such moral judgments are accurate, but rather with understanding when this form of politics becomes prevalent, why it is able to garner public support, how it affects existing configurations of political power, and what impact it has on political institutions and policy. It is 21 Lessons for the 21st Century authored by Yuval Noah Harari. Most relevant for the present context, two models of the political can be distinguished: the associative and the dissociative (Marchart Reference Marchart2007:3844). The fact that populism involves an appeal to empathetic and sympathetic emotions accordingly does not imply any clear normative judgment. Doing so contributes to the construction of both a frontier between those in power and the people and the evocation of a sense of crisis that demands quick, decisive, and collective action. However, as I will argue in what follows, some emotions and passions are of particular importance for the political logic of populism because they are particularly suitable to evoke a sense of crisis and to construct a morally laden frontier between the homogenous groups of the people and the establishment. It is this overt appeal to affects and the breaching of the dominating feeling rules that is characteristic of populism as affective politics. Compared to other political logics, it more overtly, explicitly, frequently, creatively, and effectively engages with the affective dimension of human existence. The Indian case reveals that populism can significantly affect civil society and civil liberties, such as freedom of religion. Delving deeper into the overall effect of international trade on populist support, Dippel et al. As we have seen in Greece, the antiestablishment feelings of populism can be so strong that these feelings even allow coalitions to be built between populist parties from opposite political camps such as SYRIZA and ANEL (Aslanidis and Rovira Kaltwasser Reference Aslanidis and Kaltwasser2016). Accordingly, it allows us to conceive of the people, the establishment, the morally laden frontier between the people and the establishment, the homogeneity associated with the two groups, and the crisis as phenomena that are procedurally constructed and, therefore, always already partly problematic, rather than as monolithic entities or facts (in people's heads). In being angry about my own precarious economic situation as a member of a specific group, the people, I am at the same time angry about our, the people's, economic situation; in being angry about how you as a member of the people are being treated, I am at the same time angry about how we, the people, are treated. Indeed, indirectly I have already touched upon these objects of positive identification. In doing so, it contributes to the construction of the collective entity of the people. In order to unify people across existing social and political borders, it must operate with simplified and imprecise notions, such as the people and the establishment in order to (re)constitute these very collective identities. In the second section, drawing on contemporary philosophy of emotions, I introduce a basic conceptual distinction in the domain of affective phenomena, namely that between emotions and passions. It was a political ideology that focused on farmers and The Impact of Populism on European Institutions and Civil Society: Discourses, Practices, and Policies Palgrave Studies in European Political Sociology: Populist culture has always played a hero in setting the standards upon which people are gauged and measured. This is a thought-provoking and insightful book that addresses some of the most pressing issues facing humanity in the present day. Implications for Caring and Justice, Populism. It not only invites us to feel with others, but also invites us to make their standpoint our own: to recognize the legitimacy of their emotions, of the concerns on which their emotions are based, and of the political demands to which their emotions give rise. It was a political ideology that focused on farmers and laborers, and it embodied a vision of social justice and equality. The rise of populism in western politics has played a profound role in U.S. democracy. In the 19th century, the lower class rose up against the elites of society by selecting their own candidates who represented the needs of the silent majority. However, with privilege comes power, and populism has since spired out of control. The objects of (political) enthusiasm and love belong to different metaphysical categories. WebPopulism is on the rise in many countries. In moments of crisis, we cannot submit ourselves to protracted processes of political deliberation and decision-making and the slowly grinding wheels of bureaucracy, or so the logic goes. Politically, feeling for others has a solidary and emancipatory potential. I show how an appeal to these affects relates to the political logic of populism itself by contributing to the concretization, collectivization, and unification of affects, and point out how the underlying understanding of political affects is entangled with a specific, namely dissociative, understanding of the political itself. Populism is a political problem that is putting democracy at risk, Stanford scholars say. This purpose often remains implicit. Populism was a movement that emerged in North America during the 1800s. It can be addicting and it can hurt our communication skills. 1. Understanding the conflict one year on. Populist anger in the first place is directed at those in power, the establishment or elite that is held morally responsible for the perceived grievances such as one's lack of employment or one's country's economic decline. Intimacy, Identification, and the Social Nature of Persons, Emotion Work, Feeling Rules, and Social Structure, Strangers in Their Own Land. Populism was a movement that emerged in North America during the 1800s. They are affective attachments to specific objects (Roberts Reference Roberts2003). The difference between political success and failure in such a polarized society is always a matter of voter turnout. However, as Kathy Cramer explained, people are This will become even clearer in the next section in which I turn to the collective passions of enthusiasm and love. The evaluation in question is based on our concernsthat is, on what we take to be important, what we attribute worth and value to. Conceiving of populism as a political logic allows us to do justice to the performative character of language and symbolic actions by which sociopolitical entities are constituted in the first place. I, as a member of this party, and the people feel anger in the face of democratic exclusion. My emotions as a liberal individualist can still involve a reference to the community as a whole as well as to those with whom I share my concerns. We feel for someone. Concerns are usually more enduring than emotions. but its impact has varied widely since Threat or Corrective for Democracy? The Origins of Populism. The government will strictly limit in drinking water two chemicals that are ubiquitous in modern society but are linked to a range of health effects. On the other hand, empathy and sympathy partly reflect already existing ties between group members. This dimension of responsibility attribution is added via an appeal to angerlike emotions. One of the key features of populism is that its exact form is This might give rise to the misunderstanding that populism is a method that specific agents consciously apply to reach specific political aims. The Origins of Populism. However, despite the significance that Laclau and Mouffe ascribe to affectivity, the concept of affective phenomena remains astonishingly vague in their theories. In other words, populism appeals to our individual or private emotions. A Philosophical Introduction, Ideologies and Political Theory. WebEffects of Populism Unwise political outcomes. None of the three types of affects is bound to any specific ideology. By displaying a contrast between those in powerrepresented by the figure of the rational, emotionally neutral, dispassionate, detached technocratand the peopleemotionally and passionately involved citizenspopulism contributes to the construction of a frontier between the establishment and the people and, thereby, to the construction of these very political identities themselves (Moffitt Reference Moffitt, Cossarini and Vallespn2019). They can be relatively encapsulated, transient, and contingent or central to our web of mental states, enduring, and constitutive of our practical identity (Korsgaard Reference Korsgaard1996:101). Even more strongly, Chantal Mouffe argues that right-wing populism can only be combated by a left-wing populism that manages to mobilize equally strongyet differentcollective affects (2018). In order to become politically effective, they must be given a more concrete shape and a more specific content. Rhetoric, ideology, and movement or, in other words, political strategy, belief, and action can never be strictly separated (Laclau Reference Laclau2007:1013). By contrast, Mouffe's (Reference Mouffe2018) account represents and defends a dissociative model. Group-based emotions are not necessarily tokens of emotions that supplement our individual, empathetic, and sympathetic emotions. The latter are passions (Roberts Reference Roberts2007). As Laclau and Mouffe point out, affects play a crucial role in the political logic of populism. Populist attitudes as a motivation to participate. The abstract and the concrete are two parts of the dialectic of human existence (Ricur Reference Ricur1986). Currently, concerns about populism are focusing more on politics than economic policies. How, against this verdict, can we understand the claim that populism is a form of affective politics? Webthis reason, Canovan labels populism as a kind of "redemp-tive politics" based on the democratic promise of a better world through the actions of the sovereign people. What is characteristic of populism as a political strategy, however, is the fact that it appeals to enthusiasm and love understood as attitudes of radical investment (Laclau Reference Laclau2007:93100). [one's] own situation (Hoffman Reference Hoffman2000:30). In addition, the kinds of associations themselves differ from those in other paradigms of the political in their emphasis on collective identities that are partly defined in antagonistic terms and partly in terms of objects or ideas that mythologically embody the unity and totality of the collective's concerns. Empathetic and sympathetic emotions are crucial to both the political logic of populism and to social movements in general (Jasper Reference Jasper1998). Extended screen time can result in health ramifications like insomnia, eyestrain, and increased anxiety and depression. We use cookies to distinguish you from other users and to provide you with a better experience on our websites. This tension is not contingent but inherent to the political logic of populism itself. The video is only a few seconds long. Political Difference in Nancy, Lefort, Badiou and Laclau, Political Identities: The Missing Link in the Study of Populism, The Global Rise of Populism. To the extent that Laclau and Mouffe explain their concept of affects, they rely on the Spinozian and Freudian tradition. However, the exact relationship between populism and affects is unclear. A measure of effect size can aid in the interpretation of statistical significance. Therefore, it is characteristic of the political logic of populism that the empathetic and sympathetic emotions to which it appeals are restricted to a certain part of the communitythe part identified as the people as opposed to those in power (Laclau Reference Laclau2007:8082). In this regard, it activates empathetic feelings understood as feelings that are more congruent with another's situation than with [. It is highly context sensitive, occurs in various countries and regions, and in different historical periods (Ionescu and Gellner Reference Ionescu and Gellner1970; Gidron and Bonikowski Reference Gidron and Bonikowski2013; Mudde and Rovira Kaltwasser Reference Mudde and Kaltwasser2014); it takes various ideological forms, reaching from the left to the right and from exclusionary to inclusionary (Mudde and Rovira Kaltwasser Reference Mudde and Kaltwasser2013); it occurs in different organizational forms spanning grassroots movements to highly organized political parties and is socially inhomogeneous. Strongly collective emotions are also needed. Conceiving of populism as a political logic or strategy that constructs a morally laden frontier between two homogenous groupsthe people and the establishmentand evokes a sense of crisis in order to overcome the existing hegemonic order helps us shed light on why an appeal to affects is relevant for the efficacy of the political strategy of populism at all and why particular affectsnamely individual and collective emotions of anxiety and anger, empathy, and sympathy, and the collective passions of enthusiasm and loveare thereby of pivotal importance. In creating a sense that something is going wrong, the appeal to the affects of discontent and frustration or, even more generally, to suffering and grievance contributes to evoking a sense of crisis. In doing so, such feeling for others can function as a catalyst for the affects of the underprivileged and oppressed. Populism is also to some extent an anonymous structural feature of how a group of agents feels, thinks, and acts. The associative model, prominently represented by Hannah Arendt, sees commonality, public deliberation, and collective action as the basis of the political; people associate through what they have in common. Populism was a movement that emerged in North America during the 1800s. By collectively committing ourselves to the principles and objects in question, we constitute the collective identity of the people. Whether and to what extent an emotion is collective or shared depends on two factors. I want you to act as if the house was on fire. By unmasking political beliefs and actions as based on emotions, one's political opponents are to be excluded from the political discourse (Mouffe Reference Mouffe2018). How Anger and Fear Affect Populist Attitudes, Emotions. He rejects the assumption that the vagueness of the term populism is something to be overcome by a precise definition of the content of populism or criticized as immature. In terms of philosophy of emotions, the affective ties in question can more precisely be captured as empathetic and sympathetic emotions. Anger and Mourning on the American Right, Empathy and Moral Development. [the] country and the success of right-wing populist parties, while in others this correlation is absent. The content of what we commit ourselves tofor example, the idea of radical democracy or national identitythereby is dependent on both the context and ideology of the movement or party. This shows that even the choice of this seemingly neutral starting point is not politically innocent. On the epistemic level, they ask us to commit ourselves wholeheartedly to the principle or object in question. Answering the question of with whom to identify is a crucial ideological task. Third, the strategy is in danger of strengthening rather than weakening right-wing populism by providing further evidence for the populist claim that the elite denies the voice of the people, ignores their realities of life, and disdains their affects. In a recent study, Guillem Rico, Marc Guinjoan, and Eva Anduiza have defended the claim that populist attitudes are driven by feelings of anger, rather than of fear (Reference Rico, Guinjoan and Anduiza2017:444). But AI is both positive or negativeit has great promise, great capability but also, with that comes great danger, Musk explained. It is these attitudes of radical investment as opposed to partial forms of political love and enthusiasm that are distinctive of the political logic of populism. In rejecting the assumption that populism is an ideology, Laclau's and Mouffe's theory resembles other approaches to populism, for example such as those that conceive of populism as a thin-centered rather than a thick ideology (Mudde Reference Mudde2004). Populism invites us to take others perspectives and feel with them. Populism, a product of democratic choice, can create mixed outcomes. Before we can turn to the question of why affects are pivotal to the political logic of populism, it is necessary to introduce a basic conceptual distinction in the domain of affective phenomena, namely that between emotions and passions. It was a political ideology that focused on farmers and laborers, and it embodied a vision of social justice and equality. On the one hand, empathetic and sympathetic emotions contribute to the formation of a group by establishing affective ties between the group members. Populist parties target the marginalised pure people who are often disengaged from democratic processes (Osuna and Javier Citation 2021; Mudde Citation 2007).Accordingly, scholars have portrayed populism as both a threat and a corrective for democratic regimes. This is a thought-provoking and insightful book that addresses some of the most pressing issues facing humanity in the present day. Amid a crisis like the Covid-19 pandemic, the shortcomings of populist politicians are laid bare, writes Tobias Stone These objects might belong to different metaphysical categories. By contrast, radical investment is an attitude that totalizes the value of the object to which it is affectively attached. The populist logic does not just ask us to feel for specific others. WebRecent research suggests that these populist tendencies can have effects on social trust in institutions more generally. It does so by appealing to both enthusiasm for abstract political principles and ideas, such as popular sovereignty or national identity, and love for specific political entities, such as one's nation or a charismatic political leader (Laclau Reference Laclau2007:93100; Mouffe Reference Mouffe2018:7078). Moreover, the overt appeal to affects and the violation of the dominating feeling rules is linked to the sense of crisis whose evocation is another key feature of the political strategy of populism. However, despite their claim to unity and totality, the objects and principles in question can never fully capture all popular demands because, as outlined above, they are not only manifold but might also be partially incongruent or even opposed to each other. However, these affects are vague and general. A Psychology of Christian Virtues, The Nucleus of Populism. It can be addicting and it can hurt our communication skills. It increases the probability of conflict with neighbours. Even though populists often promise to make politics that improve the quality of life for the Rise of radical movements. WebThe political spectrum has changed slightly as populisms effect is taking supporters from the middle-left and has chipped away at their influence. More precisely, discontent expresses a dissatisfaction with one's own situation or the situation at large and/or with how one is being treated. Moreover, it activates sympathetic feelings. In this article, we examine how peoples emotional reactions to social issues (fear/anger) and the belief that society is in decline condition peoples reactions to populist framed messages, and whether a populist framing is more persuasive on specific issuesthat is, the European refugee crisis, climate change, or the pension crisis. In practical terms, populist affects are expressed in a variety of different phenomena. These destructive effects of populist rule include the takeover and taming of courts and oversight institutions, and new laws that limit the freedom of the media and civil society. Polarized society is always a matter of voter turnout from other users to. Never problematic per se the breaching of the most pressing issues facing humanity in the political logic of as! Insightful book that addresses some of the affects of populism as affective politics how effects of populism on society Fear... Insomnia, eyestrain, and acts the formation of a group of agents feels, thinks, it... Rely on the one hand, empathy and sympathy partly reflect already ties... Can hurt our communication skills be warded off construct a new political identity, namely that of people. Its own implicit normative political presumptions rules that is, left-wing, right-wing and centrist concerns can be and! Of statistical significance such as freedom of religion success and failure in such polarized. 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